Is Pakistan un-Islamic? What can a nation that makes life miserable for its own Muslims offer Kashmir?

Pakistan was created in 1947 as a holy land where Muslims could live with dignity and equality, free from discrimination. Yet, Muhammad Ali Jinnah himself called the newly created state a “moth-eaten Pakistan.” Likewise Choudhary Rahmat Ali – the very man who coined the name “Pakistan,” in 1933, met a tragic fate. Disillusioned by what the country had become, he was banned from returning, expelled from his homeland, and died in exile in England in 1951 — unwanted in the very land he had named.

The contradictions began from Day One. And they only deepened in the decades that followed.

While Pakistan claims to champion the rights of Muslims in Kashmir, its own track record with Muslim minorities raises serious questions. Ahmadis, Shias, Sufis, Mohajirs, Zikris, and Baloch face systematic discrimination, exclusion, and violence. The harsh reality is that Pakistan has failed to uphold Islamic ideals of equality and justice within its own borders.

Ironically Pakistan which claims to  be the protector of Muslim rights in Kashmir, has made life miserable for its own Muslims minorities and ethnic groups and failed miserably to uphold even basic rights.

The nation founded in the name of Islam is today accused of betraying its own faith — not by outsiders, but by a growing list of its persecuted Muslim citizens. It is today a deeply splintered nation where Ahmadis are not allowed to call themselves Muslims, Shias face sectarian violence, Sufis shrines are bombed, and even Mohajirs, Zikris, and Baloch are treated as second-class citizens or rebels.

It is a country where Balochistan, Gilgit-Baltistan, Sindhudesh and PoK are simmering silently. It is a country where mosques are attacked, sects are outlawed, and separatists cry for freedom.   

How can such a country claim moral authority to decide Kashmir’s future? Before even talking about Kashmir, Pakistan must ask itself first:

What can a nation that denies equality and justice to its own people offer to anyone else?

Is Pakistan Islamic?

A country where faith means rituals & justice is denied

Being “Islamic” doesn’t begin and end with offering namaz five times a day or fasting during Ramzan. Islam also means values like justice, equality, and compassion which cannot be ignored. And most importantly — who has the right to decide who is a Muslim and who is not?

This is a largely unanswered question that shakes-up the very soul of Pakistan’s identity.

Muslims in India are better off than Muslims in Pakistan  

Pakistan has projected itself as the self-appointed and self-proclaimed guardian of South Asia’s Muslims, especially those in Kashmir. Yet, this narrative falls apart when we compare the status, freedom, and opportunities available to Muslims in India versus Pakistan.

Muslims in India — enjoy far greater religious freedom, constitutional rights, and political representation than Muslims in Pakistan. The Constitution of India guarantees freedom to practice any religion under Article 25-28 to any citizen of India. Each community can build their own places of worship where they can offer prayers without any obstruction.

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Muslims in India can freely practice Islam. Their mosques, and madrasas are fully protected.  There is no restriction from anyone to celebrate festivals like Eid, Ramadan, and Muharram, which are observed with enthusiasm and respect. There is no state religion in India, which is officially secular. This religious freedom and protection contribute to a sense of security and belonging for Muslims in India.

No wonder, Muslims like, Zakir Hussain, Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed, A.P.J. Abdul Kalam became Presidents of India.  Mohammad Hamid Ansari spent two terms as Vice President, while Arif Mohammad Khan, Ghulam Nabi Azad, Salman Khurshid and Ebrahim Ebrahim are serving and former Governors, Chief Ministers, and Cabinet Ministers in Bihar, Kerela, J&K, and Assam.

In addition to these there are many Muslim members of Parliament, MLAs, Civil Servants and Army officers. Muslim entrepreneurs like Azim Premji (Wipro), film stars like Shah Rukh Khan, Aamir Khan, Salman Khan, as well as scientists, academics, journalists, and sports icons have done well in their respective fields.

In contrast non-Punjabi Sindhis and Balochi Muslims are deprived of equal opportunities – available to Sunni Muslim sect in Pakistan, Ahmadis are denied entry in jobs, education, and civil services, while Shias have to hide their identity to save themselves from target killings. Their mosques are burnt. In short, minorities and non-Sunni Muslims are subjected to sectarian violence, harassment and marginalisation.

Pakistan’s biggest tragedy: Exclusionary Islam

Pakistan was meant to be a homeland for Muslims, but it has increasingly became a one-way-street where only one ideology of Islam prevails. Orthodox Sunni Generals and religious hardliners, have hijacked Pakistan and slowly but steadily usurped control.

Ahmadis: Muslims on Paper, Non-Muslims by Law

Pakistan’s parliament, officially declared Ahmadis as non-Muslims in 1974. A decade later, General Zia-ul-Haq’s passed  Ordinance XX, which made it a criminal act for Ahmadis to call themselves Muslim or preach their faith or even use Islamic symbols. On May 28, 2010 terrorists launched two coordinated attacks on Ahmadi mosques in Lahore killing over 90 worshippers and many others injured during Friday prayers. What happened thereafter was even more appalling. While usually most other terror attacks bring Pakistan to a standstill, there were no national mourning, no all-party meetings, and no candlelight march. Ahmadis long painted as heretics and enemies of Islam were left to grieve in isolation.

Even today, Ahmadis remain outcasts in Islamic Republic of Pakistan, which constitutionally forbids them from even calling themselves — Muslims.

Pakistan refuses to accept them as Muslims even though they recite the same kalima, pray in the same direction, and observe the same Islamic rituals.

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This state-sanctioned exclusion began in 1974, when Pakistan’s National Assembly, amended the Constitution under pressure from the religious clerics. The Second Amendment declared Ahmadis as “non-Muslims.” This was the first formal step in institutionalizing their marginalization. But alarmingly this decree was not passed by an extremist groups but was codified by elected lawmakers.

General Zia-ul-Haq’s Ordinance XX added fuel to the fire by stripping them of their right to freely practice their religion and imposed a punishment – imprisonment for up to three years and fines for those who:

• Called themselves Muslim
• Preached or propagated their faith
• Used Islamic terms like mosque, azan (prayer call), or greet each other with “Assalamu Alaikum”

Today, as outcasts in their own country Ahmadis live in Pakistan face extraordinary restrictions:

• They are banned from voting as Muslims.
• Their religious books are censored.
• Their mosques are routinely desecrated or denied legal recognition.
• They face social boycotts, economic exclusion, and mob violence.
• Even their graves have not been spared — with tombstones often defaced to remove Islamic inscriptions.

Beyond laws and attacks: The human stories that rarely make headlines

• A young Ahmadi student was stopped from saying Bismillah during a school exam.
• A shopkeeper was jailed for writing “Mashallah” on his shop sign.
• A large number of families have been forced to seek asylum abroad after facing death threats.

For many Ahmadis, Pakistan — their homeland — has become unliveable. They are Muslims by belief, non-Muslims by law — and ghosts in the only country they can call home.

Shias: Targets of Sectarian Hate

Despite being Pakistan’s second-largest Muslim sect Shia Muslims (Twelvers, Ismailis, Bohras, others) about 15–20% of Pakistan’s population are among the most politically and socially relegated segments of the society. The Shias comprising mostly of Twelvers (Ithna Ashariyya) live in Punjab, Karachi, Gilgit-Baltistan, and parts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, while smaller sub-sects like Ismailis may be found in Gilgit-Baltistan and Karachi and Bohras in urban centers.              

The Shias were the co-founders of Pakistan and played a key role in its nation-building. But due to the hard-line Islamization and orthodox Sunni ideology propagated by Gen Zia-ul-Haq, Shias have not only been marginalized but also declared as heretics.

On many occasions despite being officially banned militant groups like Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ) and Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) have carried out deadly attacks against Shias, particularly against the Hazara community in Balochistan. Such is the insecurity that Shia rituals like Majlis (congregations) during Muharram and Ashura processions have to be conducted under heavy security. To protect worshippers from likely terrorist attacks on such occasions, mobile networks are suspended, roads are blocked, and thousands of police and paramilitary personnel are deployed. In 2013, two bombings in Quetta—killed over 110 people and wounded hundreds.  

The systemic discrimination goes beyond violence. Despite constitutional guarantees, Shias have been removed from positions of influence in state institutions, vilified in school curricula, and targeted in hate sermons broadcast by radical clerics and treated like second-class citizens in the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.

Sufis: Spirituality Under Fire

Sufism, once the lifeblood of Islam in South Asia is increasingly under siege in Pakistan. Over the past two decades, dozens of Sufi shrines have been bombed or desecrated by militants who accuse Sufi practices—such as music (qawwali), poetry, saint veneration, and shrine visits as being “un-Islamic” innovations (bid’ah) meaning practices or beliefs introduced in the religion that were not present in the time of the Prophet Muhammad and his early companions.

In one of the most horrific attacks at Sehwan Sharif a suicide bomber affiliated with the Islamic State (IS) targeted the shrine of Lal Shahbaz Qalandar killing 88 people and injured over 300 others in February 2017. Similar tragedies have struck other revered shrines:

• Data Darbar (Lahore, 2010): A suicide bombing killed over 40 people and injured many during evening prayers.

• Abdullah Shah Ghazi (Karachi, 2010): Twin blasts killed at least 8 people at the shrine of Karachi’s patron saint.

• Baba Farid Ganjshakar (Pakpattan, 2010) and other smaller shrines have also faced grenade attacks and bombings.

Despite this, Sufism endures. Millions continue to throng shrines across Pakistan, celebrating annual Urs (death anniversaries), singing qawwalis, and upholding traditions of generosity and love. However, the threats remains ever-present, with extremists determined to erase this softer face of Islam and impose rigid orthodoxy. Radical clerics often denounce Sufi teachings, shrines face pressure to curtail traditional gatherings, and some shrines have had to restrict public access or abandon practices like qawwali for fear of reprisals.

Mohajirs: Even Non-Punjabi Sunni Muslims Face Discrimination

In Pakistan’s complex ethno-political landscape, even Sunni Muslims outside the Punjabi-dominated power structure are not immune to marginalization. One such examples is that of the Urdu-speaking Muslims or Mohajirs who migrated from India during and after the Partition of 1947, hoping to find a homeland that would welcome them.

However, in the 1970s and 1980s, as the Punjabi and Sindhi political elite consolidated power, the Mohajirs began to feel politically marginalized and economically side-lined. This alienation led to the rise of the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) representing the Mohajirs who were reduced to second-class citizens in Sindh — especially in Karachi and Hyderabad.   

The 1990s witnessed deadly attacks under “Operation Clean-up” in Karachi. Thousands of MQM supporters were killed, or tortured in custody with open military backing. MQM leaders alleged systematic targeting of Mohajirs in extra-judicial killings and enforced disappearances.

Even today, Mohajirs face discrimination in employment, police recruitment, and university admissions because of quota systems that favours Sindhis and Punjabis. In recent years, MQM’s power has waned due to internal splits and military pressure. Nevertheless, the Mohajirs are not happy due to continued neglect and exclusion from political decision-making in Sindh and Pakistan at large.

The Mohajir experience highlights a central paradox of Pakistan — that even being Sunni and Urdu-speaking is no guarantee of inclusion unless aligned with the dominant ethno-political forces. Their story is a reminder that discrimination in Pakistan is not only religious or sectarian — but also deeply ethnic and political.

Zikris: The forgotten sect under attack

The Zikris of Balochistan are one of the least known yet most vulnerable and marginalized communities. Followers of a distinct interpretation of Islam, the Zikris primarily inhabit the Makran coastal region—in Turbat, Panjgur, and Gwadar. Their faith centres on reverence for Syed Muhammad Jaunpuri, whom they regard as the Mahdi (a messianic figure), and they follow unique rituals, especially the annual pilgrimage to the sacred mountain of Koh-e-Murad.

For centuries, Zikris coexisted peacefully with their Sunni Baloch neighbours. However, since the rise of religious extremism in Pakistan, particularly after the Afghan jihad of the 1980s and the spread of Wahhabi and Deobandi ideologies, Zikris have increasingly been branded as heretics (kafirs) by hardline Sunni groups.

In the past two decades, attacks against them have surged:

• Armed groups and radical clerics have issued fatwas, inciting violence against Zikris and calling for the destruction of their places of worship.
• Several Zikri prayer sites (Zikr Khanas) have been vandalized or burnt.
• Processions and pilgrims to Koh-e-Murad have come under threat, forcing the community to reduce their public religious expressions.
• There have been instances of targeted killings and harassment, though many go unreported due to fear and the remoteness of the region.

What makes their plight even more precarious is the lack of attention from the state and mainstream media. Unlike attacks on Shias or Christians, violence against Zikris rarely sparks national outrage. Many in Pakistan remain unaware of the sect’s existence, let alone their persecution. As a result, Zikris today live in a state of fear and social exclusion. They face not only the threat of violence but also economic and educational marginalization, as extremist groups push for their boycott and exclusion from local markets and institutions.

Despite this, Zikris hold firmly to their peaceful traditions and spiritual practices. Their endurance in the face of growing hostility reflects the broader struggle of Pakistan’s religious minorities — whose only “crime” is being different in a society increasingly intolerant of diversity.

Conclusion: Pakistan’s Hollow Claim to Islamic Leadership

A nation that cannot safeguard its own Muslim citizens — that declares Ahmadis non-Muslim by law, that allows Shias to be slaughtered in mosques, that watches while Sufis shrines are bombed, that lets Mohajirs be crushed for seeking dignity, and leaves Zikris to the mercy of extremists — forfeits any moral right to call itself a beacon of Islam.

Islam does not preach sectarian bigotry or violence. Given this grim reality, what can Pakistan — fractured, intolerant, and bleeding internally — offer to the people of Kashmir? How can a country that denies equality to its own Muslims promise justice to Kashmiris?

Before claiming the right to speak on behalf of Kashmiris in India, Pakistan must first end the war against Islam inside its home…