Baluchistan became free from British rule on 11 August 1947, even before Pakistan was born. The Khanate of Kalat formally declared independence which was fully legal. The Khan even sent a representative to New Delhi, hoping for recognition and friendly ties. But India politely refused, because of Nehru’s stupidity. Nehru did not want to interfere and was wary of antagonising Pakistan. This proved to be a big blunder in the long run.
Pakistan couldn’t tolerate a free Baloch state. It wanted to gobble up the mineral-rich Baluchistan so it mounted pressure. After months of military blockade, intimidation, and veiled threats, the Khan of Kalat — buckled down and signed the Instrument of Accession on 27 March 1948. Hence, Pakistan conquered Baluchistan even without fighting a war. The Baloch – haven’t forgotten the treachery and the historic betrayal still burns in Baluchistan’s heart and soul.
Pakistan – the only nation in the world that bombs its own people
All over the world police and para-military forces use force to control riots, and rebellion but not like Pakistan – which the only country that uses its Air Force – fighters, bombers and attack helicopters to drop bombs its own population in Baluchistan — the largest and resource-rich province.
Can you imagine – Pakistan used F-16s, JF-17s, and Cobra gunships — against farmers and shepherds!!
In the early 2000s during Gen Parvaiz Musharraf’s regime fighter aircraft and helicopter gunships were used to destroy alleged “militant hideouts” in Baluchistan. Several villages, schools, colleges, hospitals, and homes have been raised to the ground. Many women, children, and elderly people died and thousands of young men have disappeared in these so-called “precision strikes.”
Even today Baluchistan remains one of Pakistan’s most exploited, mistreated and suppressed territory.
Every year, Baloch worldwide observe “Black Day” on 27 March to mourn their lost freedom. Pakistan has ruled Baluchistan with guns, bombs and lies but the road ahead is dangerous. Baluchistan was free – even before Pakistan and wants to be free again.
Gilgit-Baltistan: Annexed by deceit, ruled by force
Gilgit-Baltistan (GB) formerly known as the Northern Areas is part of Jammu and Kashmir that acceded to India after Independence. Interestingly even today the Constitution of Pakistan does not list Gilgit-Baltistan which has been under illegal Pakistani occupation since April 1949 as Pakistani territory. Gilgit-Baltistan six times larger than Azad Kashmir in terms of area is described as a territory “administered by Pakistan”.
Meanwhile irrespective of the situation on ground, Gilgit Baltistan continues to be included in official Indian maps as it is historically and legally a part of India. Pakistan itself too doesn’t dispute this fact, and has never assimilated Gilgit Baltistan into its own country.
Gilgit-Baltistan legally became Indian Territory after Maharaja Hari Singh signed the Instrument of Accession to India in October 1947. But within days, Pakistani-backed militia seized control with the help of Major William Brown a British officer commanding the Gilgit Scouts. He believed that since most people in Gilgit were Muslims, the region should join Pakistan, not India. They arrested the governor Ghansara Singh and declared Gilgit’s accession to Pakistan hoping that they would be treated as equals. But that never materialised. Pakistan has ruled Gilgit-Baltistan a colony since 1947, without any.
- Representation in Pakistan’s Parliament
- Provincial status or constitutional rights
- Voice about its future
GB residents are second-class citizens and silenced their voices demanding justice. Pakistan has systematically altered its demography to exploit its vast resources. Many people feel that Pakistan values the land of Gilgit-Baltistan more than its people. The land is an asset and people a liability. Gilgit-Baltistan does not have a medical or engineering college, or university. Students have to travel to distant places for higher education, which is expensive and difficult—especially for girls and students from poor families. Another big problem after completing education is finding respectable jobs matching the talent. There are no big companies, or private businesses to create jobs. Even the agriculture sector is non-existent.
Every year the people of Gilgit-Baltistan observe the month of October as a Black Month – to mourn the illegal occupation. Don’t be misled, on the surface Gilgit-Baltistan may appear calm today, but a new generation of people have begun to ask why they have been denied dignity, democracy and autonomy. Where would this lead to – only time will tell.
Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK): anything but free
“PoK” refers to the portion of the former princely state of Jammu and Kashmir which Pakistan seized through military action and tribal invasions in 1947-48, and controlled ever since. Pakistan calls this area “Azad Kashmir” or “Free Kashmir” — but the bitter truth is that PoK is anything but free. It is a colony — conquered by deceit, controlled through fear, and silenced through oppression. The creation of PoK itself was soaked in treachery.
In 1947, as the Maharaja of Kashmir was making up his mind, armed Pakistani raiders or Lashkar reached Baramulla, murdering and raping civilians on the way, till Indian troops pushed them back. By the time the UN intervened in 1949, Pakistan entrenched itself in PoK and held on to parts of Kashmir it had seized. This became “Azad Kashmir”.
Free in name, shackled in reality
- For decades, PoK has existed in a constitutional and political limbo. It has no real autonomy.
- Its so-called “president” and “prime minister” are puppets approved by Islamabad.
- Pakistan’s Ministry of Kashmir Affairs pulls every string.
- Defence, foreign affairs, currency — all controlled from Rawalpindi and Islamabad.
- Even laws passed by the local assembly require Pakistan’s approval.
- Dissent is treason — slogans of independence or criticism of Pakistan invite punishment in jail
- Media rarely reports the truth. Journalists who try disappear into prison or graves.
- The “liberation” Pakistan boasts about is enforced at gunpoint.
- Elections are a joke — only pro-Pakistan parties can contest.
- PoK’s natural resources are diverted to feed Pakistan’s heartland, especially Punjab.
- PoK is not just politically suppressed — it is militarily occupied
- Ethnic Kashmiris are side-lined in administration by Punjabi settlers and military personnel.
- Pakistan Army and intelligence agencies have turned towns and villages into garrisons.
- Refugees and IDPs from conflicts are treated as unwanted burdens.
- For Islamabad, PoK is not a homeland of Kashmiris — it is a strategic piece of real estate.
- Even Muslims in PoK are divided and discriminated against.
- Shias, especially in Gilgit-Baltistan, face sectarian violence and systematic exclusion.
- Anyone who talks of independence or questions Pakistan’s rule is sent to jail
The manner in which Pakistan has treated PoK exposes the hollow lie. PoK remains one of the poorest, brutally exploited and least developed regions of Pakistan. For 75 years, people in PoK have been promised democracy, but handed martial rule, promised prosperity, but remained poor. What can a country that denies voting rights, bans free press, crushes dissent, and violates the human rights of its own people suddenly have a change of heart and offer to people in Indian Kashmir?
Pakistan-occupied Kashmir’s people may one day rise to ask the question – if Kashmiris in India can vote, protest, and freely demand their rights — why can’t we? The answer to this question is azadi — not from India, but from Pakistan.
Sindhudesh – the movement for free Sindh
The story behind Sindhudesh is the movement against Punjabi domination of Pakistan. Sindh was a separate province in British India even before 1947 with its linguistic, cultural and spiritual identity. In the years after independence, Sindh was flooded with migrants (Mohajirs) from India. Karachi the capital of Sindh was made the federal capital.
This was not acceptable to the Punjabi-dominated military-bureaucratic establishment who were uncomfortable with Karachi’s cosmopolitan and Mohajir-centric political culture. So under the guise of administrative necessity, the federal capital was shifted to Rawalpindi in 1959, and later to Islamabad — in the heart of Punjab.
It was a calculated move to dilute Mohajir influence and consolidate power within Punjab. Accordingly, Islamabad developed as the new bastion of power while Karachi was left politically weakened and socially fragmented. This laid the groundwork for ethnic tensions and political unrest.
The Sindhis quickly realized that they had replaced the Britishers with Punjabi feudal-military establishment. The manifold reasons for Sindhi anger included:
- Sindh produces most of Pakistan’s gas (Sui gas) and contributes heavily to national revenue.
- Karachi’s revenues are siphoned off by the federal government, leaving Sindh starved of funds
- Still it is underdeveloped as compared to Punjab.
- Massive migration of Mohajirs and later Pashtuns changed Sindh’s demographics.
- Sindhis have become minorities in cities — like Karachi and Hyderabad.
- Urdu is promoted but schools are discouraged from teaching in Sindhi.
- Key positions in Army, bureaucracy, or judiciary are occupied dominated by Punjabis
- Sindhis have little say in national policy
- Nationalist parties are harassed or crushed.
- State-sponsored Islamization (especially during Zia’s rule) diluted Sindh’s Sufi ethos.
- Attacks on shrines, restrictions on festivals, and suppression of Sindhi language is common.
To counter the growing isolation G.M. Syed, an influential Sindhi nationalist floated the concept of Sindhudesh – as a separate nation, free from Punjab’s domination in the 1970s. His demands included:
- A sovereign Sindhi state.
- Preservation of Sindhi language and culture.
- Rejection of Pakistan’s militarization and Islamization.
Pakistan’s rulers — Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Gen Zia-ul-Haq — cracked down hard. Syed spent years under house arrest. Sindhi nationalist groups were banned or driven underground. As a result custodial torture, and extra-judicial killings have become commonplace while many Sindhi activists suddenly disappeared overnight. In retaliation underground groups like Jeay Sindh Muttahida Mahaz (JSMM) and Sindhudesh Liberation Army (SLA) came up and carried out low-level armed attacks on symbols of federal power.
Sindh’s freedom movement rarely made international headlines because it was less violent and thus lacked sensational news value. Pakistan’s rulers mistakenly believe that tyranny and demographic manipulation will permanently bury Sindhi nationalism. But history shows – you can silence people, but can’t kill their identity. You can occupy land, but can’t capture hearts.
The silence is deceptive, beneath the surface, Sindh today is a dormant volcano – about to burst.
Jinnahpur: the ‘fake’ dream turned nightmare
The saga of Jinnahpur, the homeland for Mohajirs or Urdu-speaking migrants from India exposes the deep fault lines of ethnic hatred and hypocrisy in Pakistan. In 1947 the educated and hardworking muslims who left everything in India to go to Pakistan were welcomed with open hands. They were among Pakistan’s first bureaucrats, judges, and intellectuals. But the honeymoon didn’t last.
By the 70s and 80s, as Punjabis and Sindhis managed to grab power in the military, politics and business. The feudal Punjabi generals and Sindhi businessmen didn’t want to share power with the Mohajirs so they started elbowing them out from positions of power.
This led to the birth of the MQM (Muttahida Qaumi Movement) as the voice for Mohajir rights. Islamabad branded it as a dangerous “separatist” force AND launched Operation Clean-up in 1992. Officially the motive behind Operation Clean-up was to control crime but unofficially its objective was to crush MQM and the Mohajirs. To prepare the base, the government propaganda machinery claimed to have uncovered a conspiracy against Pakistan and maps of an independent Mohajir state called Jinnahpur in Sindh.
No one paid any head to MQM’s denial. But years later, key army officers admitted on record that the Jinnahpur conspiracy was fake and simply cooked up to:
- Justify brutal military action against Mohajirs.
- Discredit MQM and tarnish Mohajir nationalism.
- Maintain Punjab’s iron grip on power.
- Make innocent Mohajirs pay the price with their blood.
What followed was ethnic violence of the highest order. Thousands of MQM activists were arrested, tortured and killed, many of them disappeared and were never seen. The Mohajirs who once helped create Pakistan suddenly became expendable enemies of the state for daring to challenge the Punjabi domination. This is nothing unusual in the Pakistan where dissent = treason.
Unfortunately the Mohajirs’ plight never made global headlines. This helped Pakistan bury the truth. But by denying their rights– Pakistan has itself sown the seed of separatism among the Mohajirs. The MQM may be fractured and leaderless, but the Mohajirs are not subdued. They still dream of a separate homeland where they will not be treated as second-class citizens. The 1992, Jinnahpur map may have been fake. But Jinnahpur exists — not on paper, but in the hearts of the Mohajirs which is far more dangerous for Pakistan to contain — than any border conflict.
Mohajir Sooba: The demand Pakistan fears, but created itself
Pakistan has been ruthless in dividing its own people along ethnic lines. Nowhere is this irony more painful — and dangerous — than in Sindh, where the Mohajir Sooba (province) demand continues to simmer like a volcano. Mohajirs dominate Karachi and other urban centres like Hyderabad and Sukkur. Yet they have been excluded, politically. Fake and rigged censuses undercount Mohajirs, reducing their political weight. Even though they form the majority, rigged elections deny them control and Punjabi federal police forces dominate Karachi. Karachi is Pakistan’s cash cow — but for Mohajirs, it is a prison.
Why should the city that runs Pakistan be denied the right to govern itself? Why should Mohajirs remain voiceless? Why should despite being a majority in urban Sindh they should live under the thumb of rural Sindh’s political elite? Pakistan has carved provinces and regions for administrative convenience elsewhere. But when Mohajirs ask the same, they are branded as “traitors.”
This exposes the deep ethnic insecurities of Pakistan’s Punjabi and Sindhi elite. The MQM, which championed Mohajir rights, has been crushed militarily and politically. Leaders have been assassinated, jailed, or driven into exile. Media is banned from discussing “Mohajir Sooba.”
If Pakistan believes it can erase the demand for Mohajir Sooba by brute force, it has learned nothing from Baluchistan or East Pakistan. The more it pushes Mohajirs down, and the more youth are jailed or killed, the more they turn to militancy.
The demand for Mohajir Sooba is the inevitable the cry of a people who are being treated like tenants in their own homes. By refusing them, a fair deal Pakistan is repeating the mistakes that led to the creation of Bangladesh in 1971. History teaches us that nations break when their rulers ignore the cries of their own people. If that happens Mohajir Sooba may not remain a dream but will become a reality. When that happens Pakistan will only have itself to blame.
Dis (united) States of Pakistan
From Balochistan to Gilgit-Baltistan, Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) to Sind, people in every region of Pakistan seem to be saying: “This is not the Pakistan we wanted to create.” This is not mere instability. This is a structural breakdown— a nation falling apart not because of foreign conspiracies, but because of its own arrogance and oppression.
Unless Pakistan radically reforms its federal structure and accepts the aspirations of its people — it will continue to bleed internally. Sooner or later, these wounds may no longer be treatable.
History does not forgive and give second chance to nations, which refuse to listen to their own people.
