The recent hosting of a lunch at the White House by the President of the United States for Pakistan’s ‘Failed Marshal’ Asim Munir has shattered even the last vestiges of Pakistan’s democratic façade. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s stature has been reduced to virtually zero. Adding insult to injury, Asim Munir was again invited to the United States for the farewell party hosted by the outgoing Chief of US CENTCOM.
During his visit, while addressing a gathering of the Pakistani diaspora in Tampa, Florida, Munir thundered that Pakistan would “nuke and destroy” India in the event of an existential threat—going so far as to claim Pakistan would take “half the world” down with it. Such a statement, made from US soil, was highly inflammatory and provocative.
By allowing the Pakistani Army Chief to deliver such a declaration from its territory, the United States has, in effect, positioned itself as a willing partner in Pakistan’s nuclear threats against India. This is a deeply troubling development.
The US administration must recognize the following realities:
- India is no vassal state. It is neither a “banana republic” nor a subordinate of the US but a major economic and military power in its own right.
- Risk of escalation. By tacitly endorsing Pakistan’s nuclear posturing, the US exposes itself to the possibility of Indian retaliation. Any Pakistani nuclear strike on India would be met with an immediate and ferocious response, which could include strikes on US assets seen as complicit.
- India’s credible deterrent. Today, India can deploy multiple nuclear-armed submarines capable of patrolling both the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, placing the US coasts within range of BrahMos nuclear-tipped missiles.
As former US National Security Adviser John Bolton recently noted—and as several US Senators have acknowledged—“today, it is the US that needs India more than the other way around.” India is uniquely positioned to counter China’s hegemony and its aggressive expansionism in the South China Sea and beyond.
The QUAD, in fact, holds little meaning without India’s active participation. Any credible military response to a Chinese assault on Taiwan, or a broader pushback against Beijing’s ambitions, depends on a genuine security architecture that includes India at its core. Without India, no military alliance against China can carry real weight.
Meanwhile, Donald Trump, after his imposition of unfair and counterproductive tariffs on India, is attempting rapprochement by calling India a “friend.” Yet his tenure has been marked by the alienation of allies and partners. It is only a matter of time before his record—compounded by allegations of unethical financial dealings, including billions in cryptocurrency transactions with Pakistan—triggers a reckoning.
Even China, despite flexing its military muscle during Victory Day Parade in Beijing, understands two hard truths regarding India:
- Any conventional conflict in Ladakh or Arunachal Pradesh would result in severe losses for China; the dream of conquering Arunachal is a fantasy.
- Any nuclear exchange would be suicidal—ensuring mutually assured destruction (MAD).
The world is changing rapidly. It is time Washington rethinks its indulgence of Pakistan’s military establishment and recognizes India’s centrality to the stability and security of the Indo-Pacific region.
In conclusion, Washington’s continued indulgence of Pakistan’s military establishment undermines both its moral standing and its strategic interests. Allowing Pakistan’s Army Chief to issue nuclear threats from US soil not only erodes India’s trust but also destabilizes the delicate balance of power in South Asia. If the US truly seeks a free and open Indo-Pacific and a credible counterweight to China, it must stop legitimizing authoritarian actors and instead invest in a deeper, more equitable partnership with India. Only then can both nations safeguard regional stability, deter nuclear brinkmanship, and uphold the principles of democracy and rule-based order.
